presume, provided most of the physical labour — there were also three ’accadiens', who were to carry out the inspection, designated in the documents as charpentiers (translatable as either carpenters or Shipwrights). One of these was the sixty-five year old Michel Haché Gallant9 of Port La-Joie, who seven years before had come over with some of his family from Beaubassin to settle as one of the first Acadian families on the island. Both Pensens and the elder Mézy — as well as the governor in Louisbourg, Joseph de Saint-Ovide, had a personal stake in the matter. Not only were they keen to demonstrate an appropriate zeal in carrying out their official duties, they must also have known that if the enterprise were successful, and the Marine did decide to draw masts for the French navy from lle Saint-Jean, each of them could benefit personally, not only in terms of their careers, but also financially, from the various spin- offs — both on and under the table — that might OCCur. What Pensens, Mézy and Saint-Ovide did not know in the summer of 1727 was that all of their efforts would be brought to a sudden end two years later by a single sentence in a letter to Commissaire Mézy from the minister of the Marine, telling them not to send any more masts to France from lle Saint-Jean.1o Despite the fact that it never really got off the ground, this first officially sponsored effort to exploit and export the timber resources of Prince Edward Island, is worthy of investigation — for in miniature it represents events and circumstances that occurred on a larger scale elsewhere in Canada at various times during the French regime. And as elsewhere, it demonstrates that the local officials, on the island and at Louisbourg, were in the grip of political and economic forces beyond their control. But before we look in detail at this enterprise of the 1720s it is useful to know something of the background against which it was operating — in Mézy of 14 September 1727. One of the son’s responsibilities was the inspection of soldiers on detached duty (Pritchard 1979), which could have been an additional reason for him visiting the island. 9 Pensens 1727: 12 August. I calculate his age from data in White (1999) (Volume 2, p. 791). 1° Maurepas 1729: 22 May, to Mézy. 162 particular the importance to France of finding a source of masts for its naval ships. MASTS AND THE NAVIES OF EUROPE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY in the eighteenth century masts were of vital strategic importance to the naval powers of western Europe. Every man—of—war had three masts, and in the largest ships each of these was made up of three separate 'sticks’ rising one on top of the other, plus fourteen smaller sticks were needed for the spars and yards. Collectively all of these sticks were called ’méture’ in French, the smaller ones being termed ’météreaux’“. The largest of these masts — the lower mainmast — ranged in size from forty inches in diameter and 123 feet in length in a first rate ship-of-the-line”, to twenty inches in diameter and 72 feet in a frigate.13 All of these masts and spars had to have particular properties: an exactly tapering straightness”, a proper proportion of length to girth (the standard was three feet of length for every inch in diameter at the large end or ‘heel"5), suppleness, strength and durability‘s. These in turn depended on properties of the tree from which it was cut: its species and age, the closeness of its grain”, the amount of resin in the wood”, and the absence of knots and of rot. From experience such properties had been found to vary with factors such as the country of origin (climate and soil were considered to be important”), the forest structure (closed 11 Littré (1969) Dicfionnaire de la Langue Francaise. ‘2 A ‘ship—of-the-line' was a warship capable of participating in a full- scale sea battle, so called because during the battle the ships on each side were arranged in ‘line ahead'. The rating of the ship depended on the number of cannons it carried - a ‘first rate' had at least 100 cannons on three decks (McGowan 1980, p. 12). 13 The value for a first-rate ship is from a French document of 1722, cited by Bamford (1956) (p. 12); the frigate value is from Albion (1926) (p. 28) and is for the Napoleonic period. 1‘ Albion 1926, p. 28. 15 Bamford 1956, p. 12, fn 12. 16 Albion 1926, p. 30; Bamford 1956, pp. 12-13. 17 Bamford 1926, pp. 12—13. 18 Albion 1926, p. 30; Bamford 1956, p. 135. 19 Albion 1926, p. 30.